Pigou, Arthur Cecil, – Pensamiento económico. Economistas ingleses – Biografías Economía del bienestar. Asignación de recursos. Economía. Download Citation on ResearchGate | Pigou, Arthur Cecil (–) | A.C. Pigou was born at Ryde, LA ECONOMIA DEL BIENESTAR / A.C. PIGOU ; TR. Pigou es considerado el fundador de la Economía del Bienestar y principal precursor del movimiento ecologista al establecer la distinción entre costes.

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Our analysis also suggests that economic welfare could be increased by some rightly chosen degree of differentiation in favour of saving. It is not, of course, economiz that, if, when the excess of economic satisfaction as measured in money is E, our measure shows an increase of 1 per cent, it shall, when the excess of economic satisfaction as measured in money is 2E, show an increase of 2 per cent.

The goal sought is to make more easy practical measures to promote welfare—practical measures which statesmen may build upon the work of the economist, just as Marconi, the inventor, built upon the discoveries of Hertz.

He saw that excessive reliance on this instrument might lead us astray in pursuit of intellectual toys, imaginary problems not conforming to the conditions of real life: One who desired knowledge of man apart from the fruits of knowledge would seek it in the history of religious enthusiasm, of martyrdom, or of love; he would not seek it in the market-place.

Frases de Arthur Pigou

If, on the other hand, it means inducing Nature miraculously to transmute the mineral into something possessing pigok value than it had in the mine, then, in order to obtain the value of the national dividend from the value of the aggregated net product, we shall need to add, and not to subtract, something.

Nor does Germany stand alone before this charge; as witness the following description of modern Arhur written bienfstar an Englishman from the standpoint of an Oriental spectator. THE economic welfare of the country is intimately associated with the size of the national dividend, and changes in economic welfare with changes in the size of the dividend. He was a foreign honorary member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciencesa foreign member of the Accademia dei Linceiand an honorary resident of the International Economic Committee.

If all the commodities concerned were being produced under conditions of constant supply price, the above assumption would conform exactly to the facts.

It is only possible to define this concept precisely by introducing an arbitrary line into the continuum presented by nature. The only position for which the intellect is primarily adapted is to be the servant of the social sympathies.

But, when it is the whole of a group, or, if we prefer it, a representative man, who shifts his consumption in this way, it is no longer certain that prices would be unaffected.

How far it should itself, either out of taxes, or out of State loans, or by the device of guaranteed interest, press resources into undertakings from which the business community, if left to itself, would hold aloof, is a more difficult problem. Secondly, non-economic welfare is liable to be modified by the manner in which income is spent.


In these circumstances common sense suggests that, if the fraction falls short of unity by a large proportion, while the fraction exceeds unity only by a small proportion, the economic Edition: Of the student of that science it is, indeed, true that “he yet may bring some worthy thing for waiting souls to see”; but it must be light alone, it can hardly be fruit that he brings. In a broad general way we may, I think, safely answer this question in the negative. Let us consider, therefore, the results that follow from the adoption of those two conceptions respectively.

As a matter of fact, however, tastes and the distribution of purchasing power both vary. Our criterion of increase from the point of view of any period being that, with the tastes and distribution of that period, the money demand for the things that have been added to the dividend exceeds the money demand for the things taken away from it, it is natural to suggest that we should employ as a measure of increase, from the point of view of the period, the proportion in which the aggregate money demand for the things contained in the dividend of that period in the sense of the amount of money that people would be willing to give rather than do without those things exceeds the aggregate money demand for the things contained in the dividend of the other period.

But “the services which a person renders to himself and those which he renders gratuitously to members of his family or friends; the benefits which he derives from using his own personal goods [such as furniture and clothes], or public property such as toll-free bridges, are not reckoned as parts of the national dividend, but are left to be accounted for separately.

The answer which first suggests itself is that those goods and services should be included double-counting, of course, being avoidedand only those, that are actually sold for money. Pigou was elected to the British Academy inbut resigned in Biology is not merely a list of the results of a number of experiments in breeding.

This is not only not necessary, but, in the special case of a dividend consisting of one sort of commodity only, it would even lead to paradoxical results. First, in accordance with the precedent set by Marshall, I shall take, as the standard meaning of the term national dividend, that suggested by the practice of the British Income Tax Commissioners.

This issue, and the kindred issue concerning materials and industries essential for the conduct of war, cannot be decided by reference to economic considerations alone.

On what philosophical basis generalisations of this sort rest we are not here concerned to inquire. The coarsening and brutalising influence of bad housing accommodation is an incident not less important than the direct dissatisfaction involved in it.

Arthur Cecil Pigou. —

In order to conform with this, our measure of change would need to be double, being expressed in one figure from the point of view of the first period, and, if tastes and distribution were different in the two periods, in another boenestar from the point of view of the second period.


On Marshall’s plan this inconvenient elaboration is dispensed with. Several writers have endeavoured to get rid of the confusion which this use of words generates by substituting for “utility” in the above sense some other term, such, for example, as “desirability.

Property taxes, where they exist, and death duties, obviously differentiate against saving. We are thus confronted with the awkward fact that there are likely to be certain changes in the constitution of the national dividend, of which it is not possible to say that they are either increases or decreases in an absolute sense.

The failure of economic welfare to serve as an index of total welfare is no evidence that the study of it will fail to afford this latter information: It is more and more coming to be recognised that, if one root of “labour unrest” has been dissatisfaction with rates of wages, economi second root, also of great importance, has been dissatisfaction with the general status of wage-labour—the feeling that the industrial system, as it is to-day, deprives the workpeople of the liberties and responsibilities proper to free men, and renders Edition: It is the clear duty of Government, which is the trustee for unborn generations as well as for its present citizens, to watch over, and, if need ecpnomia, by legislative enactment, to defend, the exhaustible natural resources of the country from Edition: Views Read Edit View history.

We cut an hour off the time of our passage to New York at the cost of preventing, perhaps, one of our descendants from making the passage at all. The dividend of the group so obtained may then be compared, on the lines of the preceding analysis, with that of the smaller group. Hence it must be the realistic, and not the pure, type of science that constitutes the object of our search. Proposals, therefore, for exempting saved income from income tax, balancing property taxes by heavy “indirect” taxes upon important objects of expenditure, exempting from local rates improvements contributed during the preceding twenty years, and so on, deserve to be carefully weighed.

The bridge that has been built in earlier sections between economic welfare and total welfare need not, therefore, rust unused.

The fact that, instead of doing this, it purchases in the second year a collection of the form C 2 proves that the satisfaction yielded by its economix of this collection ddl the second year does not fall short of that yielded by its purchase of the other collection in the first year by more than K 1.

Nor is it possible to overthrow this conclusion by suggesting that the money spent on the war has really been “productive,” because it indirectly prevented invasion and the destruction of material capital that is now producing goods sold for money; for whatever product war expenditure may have been responsible for in this way—and a similar argument applies to expenditure on school buildings—is Edition: